Mandatory Sentences Loom as Issue
The three branches of government are jockeying to gain control over
criminal sentencing should the Supreme Court change or even strike down
the current system of federal guidelines.
The Supreme Court is set to hear arguments Monday
in two cases that the Justice Department maintains show that federal
sentencing guidelines are constitutional. Enacted in 1987, the
guidelines designate factors judges must consider in sentencing
defendants. They have served as a model for criminal sentences ever
since.
The high court threw the sentencing system into
turmoil in June. In a case from Washington state, it rules that any
factor that increases a criminal sentence under the guidelines—other
than a prior conviction—must be admitted by a defendant in a plea
bargain or proved to a jury beyond a reasonable doubt.
That ruling has left lawyers, judges and
legislators uncertain about the validity of federal sentencing
guidelines. It also has prompted speculation that Congress will impose
mandatory sentences for a raft of crimes, from minor offenses to major
felonies, leaving judges no latitude to allow for individual
circumstances. The Supreme Court in 2002 affirmed the legality of
mandatory minimum laws enacted by Congress.
The emerging battle lines address a central
question over the assumed separation of powers between the legislative
and judicial branches: Who has control over the sentencing? Judges
long have held undisputed authority, but tough-on-crime politicians
during the past 20 years have steadily eroded the discretion of judges
through sentencing guidelines and a steady increase in mandatory
minimum sentences. More than half of those sentenced annually for drug
offenses receive mandatory minimums. Of the 49,965 defendants
sentenced for drug charges in 2001 and 2003, 56.9% received five-or
10-year mandatory minimums.
If the federal sentencing guidelines are struck
down, “the last work will come from Capitol Hill, which is champing at
the bit” to enact legislation, says U.S. District Judge Ruben Castillo,
one of three judges on the U.S. Sentencing Commission, which
promulgates the federal guidelines.
The House Judiciary Committee could as early as
today approve a bill to raise mandatory minimum sentences for some
crimes, such as drug trafficking near video arcades, and to create new
mandatory minimums for drug trafficking near drug-treatment facilities
and day-care facilities. It also curbs some protections that
low-level, nonviolent offenders can receive against longer sentences.
The proposed bill was introduced in early June by
House Judiciary Committee Chairman F. James Sensenbrenner (R., Wis.)
and approved last week by a Judiciary subcommittee. That bill stemmed
partly from lobbying by the Justice Department to lessen the likelihood
that low-level, nonviolent offenders would be treated leniently. In
addition to creating new mandatory minimums, the bill increases the
penalties for use of a firearm while committing a drug crime. It also
imposes a mandatory life sentence for three-time drug offenders.
Approval of the bill is considered likely, as
legislators don’t want to be seen as being soft on crime in an election
year. Moreover, Mr. Sensenbrenner wields considerable cloud; he is
credited with aggressively pushing through a law last year that
restricts the ability of judges to grant more-lenient sentences than
guidelines allow, an action known as downward departures. That bill,
known as the Feeney amendment, and the child-protection bill to which
it was attached, marked the first time Congress had directly amended
the sentencing guidelines.
Though mandatory minimums initially were intended
to target only the most violent drug offenders, Congress in recent
years has broadened mandatory minimums to include defendants convicted
of identity theft, crack-cocaine possession and Internet pornography.
The Justice Department has attempted to aid the
momentum. In op-ed articles drafted by the Justice Department and
published in local newspapers across the nation, a number of U.S.
attorneys have backed mandatory minimums. Such minimums require judges
to issue stiff sentences, without discretion, for a variety of crimes
and prohibit them from departing downward from the minimums, unlike the
guidelines. Supporters believe mandatory minimums help lower crime
rates.
“Mandatory minimum sentences are a critical tool
to protect our communities,” wrote Jim Vines, U.S. attorney for Middle
Tennessee, in an Aug. 3 article in Nashville’s Tennessean newspaper.
“We need mandatory minimum sentences, and we must resist the misguided
calls for their repeal.”
In an interview, Mr. Vines said it was coincidence
that his article resembled two others that later ran. “I took materials
the DOJ gave me and constructed my own op-ed,” he says. Mr. Vines says
that while he was encouraged by the Justice Department’s public-affairs
unit to publish a piece supporting mandatory minimums, he believes in
these laws and credits them for the decline in the national crime rate.
In Utah, an influential federal judge has
concocted a creative way to highlight—and protest—what he views as a
draconian mandatory-minimum system.
On a single day in November, U.S. District Judge
Paul G. Cassell, who has written extensively about the inequities of
mandatory minimum sentencing laws, has scheduled three sentencing
hearings. They involve a carjacker who took a car from an 18-year-old
female college student at knife-point, a man who killed an elderly
woman and dumped her body in a river, and a rap-record producer who
sold several hundred dollars of marijuana while carrying a gun.
The carjacker, who was convicted of two prior
violent felonies, faces a mandatory life sentence, but will be eligible
for release at age 70. The killer faces a sentence of as much as 20
years under federal sentencing guidelines.
The 25-year-old producer, Weldon Angelos, who is a
first-time offender, faces a mandatory minimum of 63 years with no
chance for early release. Had Mr. Angelos chosen to plead guilty
instead of going to trial, he would have received a sentence of
16years, according to a plea-bargain offer made in January that was
reviewed by The Wall Street Journal.
Some jurists believe that with federal sentencing
guidelines under scrutiny, the Supreme Court may want to revisit
mandatory minimums. In the case of Mr. Angelos, Judge Cassell has
asked defense and government lawyers to brief him on the
constitutionality of mandatory minimum sentences. Jerry Mooney, the
lawyer representing Mr. Angelos, calls Judge Cassell’s sentencing plan
“very creative.”
The judge, a conservative former academic who was
nominated to the federal bench by President Bush, has ample support for
his concern about mandatory sentences. Twenty-nine former federal and
appellate judges and U.S. Attorneys have written a brief urging Judge
Cassell to find that the mandatory minimum sentence in the rap-record
producer’s case is cruel and unusual punishment, and thus
unconstitutional.
Among those signing the brief are former U.S.
Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach and U.S. attorneys from New York,
Mississippi, Tennessee, Florida, Michigan, Pennsylvania, New Jersey,
Ohio and Massachusetts.